Crin Antonescu has been reconfirmed as president of the National Liberal Party (PNL), which was absolutely predictable, considering there was no challenger actually. Ludovic Orban, the former first vice-president, got his post thanks to an anti-Tariceanu partnership with then-aspiring president Antonescu. The post allowed him to hope achieving the top position in the party, mainly that his drive is not a secret for anybody anymore. Crin Antonescu defeated him by using a technical trick: list voting, otherwise said, relying on the option of the best placed runner in the race. The current president may have originally suggested Orban his ‘relegation’ to a vice-president position, which would have marginalized him to some extent. Orban however pushed the envelope, leading to each crossing the other out of their respective list.

A desperate Orban pushed a last-ditch plan, hoping to turn the tables on his opponent.

His chance was minimal, only fuelled by the discontent some sparked over the new rule of team voting and its consequences. For his part, Crin Antonescu has already been haloed by his good result in the presidential election, which his fellow Liberals are sure to reap further benefits. What chance does he stand to become preeminent in the future” The PNL president has understood what is at stake is a voter base beyond the traditionally Liberal one. Actually, organizational skills or exuberant activism are not his strongest points. He instead focused on political messages standing somewhere between rhetoric and advertisement. What Antonescu aims at is a kind of seduction more refined than Basescu’s populism and the ever-lasting siren-like promises of the left. In doing this, first and foremost he can rely on his image of a less dubious politician not marred by financial scandals, which provides a beneficial backdrop for his discourse about a renewed political class. Traian Basescu exhausted the topic, his persuasion yet failing to go beyond the ongoing popular frustration in the face of the tribulations of representative democracy. Crin Antonescu is not backed by a ‘corrupt’ coterie, the ever-present problem Social-Democrat leaders have, to give you one example, but the steadfast party patron, Dinu Patriciu, the richest man in this land. He won’t come up with illusions of the ‘poor and honest politician’ kind, nor does he double-facedly demonize the rich entrepreneurs. He speaks of a new style, a somewhat nobler form of doing politics, somehow related to an anti-communist tradition, with figures who, while not entirely clean or without failings, are animated by a superior ethos and a seductive ‘style’ of political action. Personal touches of the kind are not exactly new for Liberal leaders in the post-communist period, yet coupled with a western-like tone of responsible professionalism, such typology could be persuasive, to younger voters especially. Secondly, a certain consistency in attitude may stand out in a political environment known for its exasperating versatility. Anybody could enter an alliance with just about anybody else, anybody could turn into a betrayer at any time, anybody could change their political ideology any way and anytime they want. Under such circumstances, showing a minimum of consistency becomes a rare virtue. In Antonescu’s case, his refusal to associate himself with yesterday’s opponent Traian Basescu will add to his credit. PNL can therefore brace up for political campaign at leisure, which could peak, in the best-case scenario, with his being elected president. Antonescu should think carefully about his choice of premier. It is exactly the electoral calendar of local, parliamentary and presidential elections, in that particular succession, which should structure a coherent strategy. He has a free hand to run the party tighter than before, and implicitly groom his seconds for fight when he deems fit. Is he nonetheless able of this political ‘pedagogy’? Adrian Nastase has so far been the only politician able to show a real ability for grooming future leaders, with fresh Social-Democrat President Victor Ponta an absolute case in point. Traian Basescu was only instrumental to Emil Boc’s career and that on exclusive grounds of his unflinching loyalty. Where are the young wolves in PNL? Crin Antonescu’s project is of a personal nature first and foremost, which means he will be less inclined to risky innovations that could prove untimely. Firstly, his correct intuition should be mentioned over the evolution of the right. There is a Liberal voting pool to the right of the Liberal one, who for years has been unhappy with its offer, which led either to circumstantial voting or absenteeism. The bid at also promoting Christian-Democrat and even Conservative elements could be a winner. However, this calls for a commensurate image strategy that goes both ways. First, those distinctive elements should be identified, in line with party specifics. The flat tax rate was a novel element in the campaign of 2004, which brought Liberals into power actually. On the other hand, a creative and leader-oriented strategy, a weapon which Traian Basescu exploited to great effect, can do more than sponsors’ money, no matter how rich they are. Crin Antonescu has enough time to gather his ‘army’. Resting on the laurelhe laurels of his authority in the party may doom his grand plans.