Voronin – painful end of mandate

A real fight, both on political ground and in the media, is carried at Chisinau. After the elections from early April, the communists of Vladimir Voronin obtained, as it was expected, the biggest score. But it is for the first time when the number of MPs necessary for the vote over the election of the new president is not rallied. Wherefrom also the obvious difficulties in the process of election of a new head of state. The first session of Parliament dedicated to the elections could not impose the current premier Zinaida Greceanyi as president. The second round is due today, when the communists need only one more vote to obtain the victory: the castling between Voronin and Greceanyi for the office of president of the republic. Voronin would remain the speaker of Parliament, having been elected MP. But, in the event that the MPs do not succeed to elect a new president, the legislative would be dissolved and snap elections should be organized.

For the first time the opposition from the Republic of Moldova feels that it has a certain power in the political game and seems to not be willing to miss this opportunity. Wherefrom also the availability of the communists at the negotiations prior to today’s vote, three influential members of PCRM being empowered to discuss with the Liberal Party, the Democrat Liberal Party from Moldova, and Our Moldova Alliance. But the situation seems to be blocked, because the leaders of the three parties make it clear that they will not vote for the new president.

In this context, Vladimir Voronin is determined to play the card of intransigency. At the age of 68, reached on Monday, Voronin has chosen the anti-Romania-nism card that he has been playing for several years. The opposition from Chisinau wanted to offer him, on the occasion of his birthday, books about the Romanian history and literature…

At the end of the term of office, Voronin has become even more frenzied against Romania. In two interviews given in the last two days to the Russian agencies RIA Novosti and the Moldovan one Omega, Voronin accuses Romania of the orchestration of the violence from April 7 in Chisinau, when the protesters contested the result of the general elections, while several demonstrators hoisted Romanian flags on the state institutions. Strange is the fact that this was done right under the eyes of a few impassible Moldovan officers, shot by the cameras. This thing and many others make us think that the “orchestration” mentioned by Vladimir Voronin is actually a challenge and an occasion to blame Romania. “On April 7, when the server of the Presidency and that of the Ministry of Interior were simultaneously attacked, 80-90 per cent of these attacks came from Romania, but there were also from other countries,” Voronin added. Subsequently, the communist leader declared for Omega agency, close to the Power, that the manifestations of aggressive Romania-nism are favoured by the Transdniester conflict and they serve the separatist interests. Moreover, as our daily reported, Voronin burst into an aggressive language against President Traian Basescu, calling him a “dangerous individual.”

But we shall not return to them. Certain is the fact that Mr. Voronin wants by all means to be tough and painful at the end of his mandate. His behaviour could be explained through the tendency to intimidate the insubstantial opposition from Chisinau before the second round of the election of president in Parliament. Vladimir Voronin declared that he will not sign the decree for calling the snap elections before Parliament approves the new candidate for the office of prime minister. “The opposition from Parliament must reach an understanding with the candidate to the office of president,” Voronin went even further in an interview to the channel Ecoul Moscovei. He ruled out the possibility to give to the opposition a quota in the future government, explaining that “officially, such coalitions cannot exist, because the Communists’ Party has 60 per cent, fact which allows it to settle the other problems without the involvement of the opposition.” But he threw the bait hoping to divide the opposition: “But if there are persons within the opposition, and there will be proposals in connection with the praiseworthy specialists who have previously confirmed their activity through good results in certain domains, then their involvement would be possible.”

Moreover, Voronin firmly rejects the snap elections, being “an absolutely unacceptable variant for the country.” Then he contradicts himself, saying that if the election of president is not successful for the second time, prior to establishing the date of the snap elections (!) he would issue a decree through which he will appoint the candidate to the office of prime minister. “I will not sign the decree for calling the snap elections until this candidate is approved by Parliament, until he presents himself alone to the new government.”

The avalanche of insults and accusations against Romania, the measures taken against it (such as introducing the visas for the Romanians, in spite of the agreement signed with EU which prohibits the introduction of travelling restrictions for the European citizens) make us wonder why the European and Euroatlantic institutions haven’t any reaction. Is it because of a certain placidity of the Romanian diplomacy or because of a lack of interest on behalf of the international institutions?

The foreign minister Cristian Diaconescu referred on Tuesday to Voronin saying that a simple declaration cannot generate a process of internal political analysis, and added that “the remaining elements depend on the degree of civilization of that who issues them.”

It is hardly on Tuesday that the NATO Parliamentary Assembly adopted a declaration regarding the situation from the Republic of Moldova, a document proposed for approval by the Romanian parliamentary delegation, declaration through which “it expresses its concern for the strained political situation from the Republic of Moldova after the elections from April 5, 2009” and “expects the dialogue between government and opposition, and also that between the political forces and the civil society to be real, effective and transparent.” NATO Parliamentary Assembly also “firmly requests the Government of the Republic of Moldova to respect the human rights and the fundamental liberties that the Republic of Moldova has pledged to apply, also through the accession to the Partnership for Peace.”

As for the rest, on the European “front” there is quietness over the issue of the Republic of Moldova. Wishing to not anger the Russian Federation, Europe pretends to not see what is happening at Chisinau.
Thus, the second vote for the election of a new president of the Republic follows on today. Will Voronin obtain the desired victory through the election of Zenaida Greceanyi or we shall witness snap elections? Whichever the result, the future appears uncertain for the Republic of Moldova. And for its relations with Bucharest.

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