Committees, Councils, Commissions and at least one kind of President.
Prime-Vice-Presidents, one Vice-President for each 100 members, secretaries, organizations of several types, more or less increased offices of several genres. All of these represent the organizational structure, regardless of doctrine, of any party in Romania. And, above all, the structure of Romanian Social – Democrats.
Despite of this structure, invariably, in any Romanian party, practically and accurately, when they elect the supreme leader, there can be only one candidate.
After having declared that he would immediately apply the change and that it would certainly start with new people and structures, yesterday, during a Congress – what else, obviously? – Mr. Liviu Dragnea was officially appointed in his new position, along with the entire megalithic structure of the party he would reform.
Communism in PSD ends with him, Liviu Dragnea, and democracy inside PSD starts with him, as well. Yet, considering though that Mr. Dragnea was not the party itself, it would be logical and normal that representatives in the management of the new PSD would be… new.
How did the democratization and modernization of PSD apply to reality, with their new leader and yet another Congress?
It was the same heavy and overcrowded structure, similar to People’s House and, most important, the same persons, with little variations to none, the old and less visible ones, now positioned in the front. Countless infamous faces, lacking credibility, who proved what they can do and, most of all, what they cannot do as far as politics and governing are concerned, but who are coming now to introduce themselves as part of the new wave of reforms that should relax this ossified partz and turn it into an organization that should be much more attractive to voters.
Whether we are talking at this time about the Congress of PSD or the Congresses of other parties, the pattern is one and the same. Just like the occassional declarations of major change, reform and increased democracy, made by people overtaking the leadership. The question with an obvious answer would be: in what ways do these Congresses truly help us? And in what way does the old and already used set of phrases referring to formal and demagogic reforms truly help us?
All leaders of the parties in Romania, as it is the latest trend to place this term in the title of the parties, are preparing the forthcoming elections due next year by telling us how they intend to bring reforms, forgetting anyway that their party does not mean the entire nation or the entire country and that, in the meantime, a quarter of a century has passed since Romanians hear phrases every day about reforms, new strategies, social, economical and political restructuring, etc., etc., although their lives, their country and their economy are almost history due this endless “reform” and “transition” the entire political class is splashing in, with or without parties.
The reason that all Romanian political parties, as much as they are artificially contoured, without an identity or a doctrine of their own, are organized in such stuffy structures, including so many nauseating ramifications, is only one. The maintenance of the personality cult of the present leader by a massive network of political clientele.
In the absence of following and applying a doctrine, in the absence of a well determined doctrinaire and ideological profile that would be intelligible for each citizen, in the lack of formation, and therefore, of the organization of any political party closely connected with their profile, and with the national necessities and realities, all that is left for the powerless Romanian multiple-party regime is the party leader of a moment or the next. And therefore, the words, ideas, visions and especially ambitions of the respective leader replace the doctrine, the program and, most of all, the opportunities of the respective party for governing the country.
Under the circumstances that the organizational structure of a party is intended to be a micro-level reflection of the country’s leadership and governing structure, should we wonder any more that Romania is led by dozens and hundreds of institutions endlessly cloned?
Just give it a moment’s thought, as seriously as you can, that, unreal as it may sound, the Romanian state is organized and led according to the pattern of dozens of party Vice-Presidents, of permanent and semi-permanent bureaus, of various kinds of organizations, of committees, councils and commissions, of ordinary and extraordinary congresses. All of these are populated by the clientele coming from the party that holds the power for a while, and that must reward all of those who are praising the leader?
Are you still wondering why you see no change?