Besides scandal notes and a few real and obvious periods of notorious indifference to any social aspect, the state of the present Romanian political class revealed itself through an electoral campaign that was not only permanent but also terribly noisy.
By noise or uproar I would refer to the manifestations of the political act in Romania.
In 2015, the entire political and public market was invaded by potential candidates to local elections. Candidates who, without any impediment, where in an obvious form of electoral campaign, that was only interrupted by the events in November.
Now, that we entered the finish line, as we are only three months ahead of the official start of the electoral campaign for local elections, in a complete opposition to the electoral habit Romanian politics got us used to in the last dozens of years, silence deafens us.
Besides the fact that certain parts of politics are still officially in vacation, we know very well that these periods, most of all, were always marked by obvious negotiations, by declarations, attacks and continuous propaganda. Therefore, by all the main ingredients of a regular electoral campaign in Romania.
This time, we ended the year 2015 in silence to start the ongoing one in a silence that was, as I said, not just deafening, but also suspect and mysterious.
This silence, in my opinion, is highly revealing to the present condition of political parties and, also, to that of their leaders.
Suddenly, those candidates we used to see in a more or less masked form in every corner of the city, on banners, in the media or at TV stations and, most of all, in the virtual environment that has become the preferred battlefield of the Romanian political scene, where the campaign was at its hottest and reaching ground-breaking peaks with dramatic accents are not only missing completely, but now, there is serious doubt that any of the political actors of previous years or the new predictable or plausible stars of the elections would maintain their wish and especially their capability of a candidacy.
And the most suspect and shattering element of the entire landscape painted in a hurry above is the almost complete absence of any movement of life symptom inside the grand political groups named parties, more or less traditional or long-lived, which, as we all know, are the flasks and skillets of all preambles of any electoral campaign and the place where the start of these is green lit.
Through all this silence, the only thing I may note as a sort of diagnosis of what is actually the most important and serious phenomenon in itself, the mysterious disease the entire political scene happens to experience right now is represented by effects such as the foundation Victor Ponta announced he was to initiate. This is a political derivative not intended to bear a political appearance, that attempts to cast away the attention of the public opinion from this profound collapse encountered by all political parties, but especially by PSD, the matrix-party
Victor Ponta has actually detached from.
(Moreover, concerning the originality of political diversions masked as foundations, initiatives, platforms or independent candidates, there is nothing new to say. We have at least one more political party, the Popular Movement, that appeared relatively recently in a foundation. Similarly, we have the example of Monica Macovei, independent candidate, predominantly political, that not only founded a party, but only created a mobile curtain named Initiative Romania.)
This genre of political satellite that wants to be projected on an apolitical orbit, just as the Government, just as the President wants to be, as I said in other editorials as well, just as I said in other editorials and I will continue to say in other editorials and I will continue doing it precisely to underline the causes, not the effects that determine precisely what happens now, it only has to role to create a foyer of latency for a game suspended precisely out of causes such as a lack of ordination and understanding of its strategy, its presence and positioning of titular political actors and of the fast attack path for the immediate reaching of the purpose.
This deficit of action – strategy that includes the entire political scene and, especially party leaders and groups of parties (and I am referring to groups of parties that create strategy) represents an effect of resonance to the apolitical wave created approximately three months ago.
Because an electoral campaign is political, first of all.
Because the actors of the campaign, obviously and logically, are political. And because the new strategy of campaign political game is this time in the yard of an important political element, not of political parties.
No. It is not about the Parliament because it means political parties as well.
And no. It is not about the arena of civil society because, here, politics gains a sense that is just adaptive, not anticipative. The civil society adapts and does not anticipate the political phenomenon as it is, and now the civil society itself is waiting.
And no, it is not for the first time when the electoral game or the command centre of the electoral game reaches an unexpected level. The one initiated by the President, passing through the Government and reaching the Parliament and parties in the end.
I know. At this point, it is hilarious and impossible for us to merely think about the fact that, having a President that is almost absent both as a functionality and presence from this fundamental position in the state and a Government “that would be mine”, an absent President, obviously free of political interests, the game could be placed in this sphere. Yet, here, I will bring only one argument. The more than ostentatious declaration and promise by Prime Minister Dacian Ciolos to Angela Merkel that he would not do any politics this year.
Was this insurance policy truly necessary?
As closing, I will launch an argument to open the next editorial.
The alliances, as a factor of implosive dynamiting of the political class.